Readers are encouraged to consult the footnotes accompanying this article. They contain supporting documentation, references and evidentiary material related to the claims and reporting presented in the text. The footnotes are provided in the interest of transparency and to allow readers to review the sources and contextual evidence that inform this statement.

, publisher of and its Albanian-language edition , condemns in the strongest terms the third attack on the family home of our chief editor and co-founder, , in Kosovo.

According to information and photographic evidence provided by family members, the house belonging to Mr Xhymshiti’s parents, which is currently unoccupied, was once again forcibly entered. Windows and doors were broken, rooms were disturbed, and personal documents were scattered throughout the property. A desktop computer belonging to Mr Xhymshiti from his school years was removed from its place and found on the staircase, while its hard drive had been taken.

This incident does not resemble an ordinary burglary. No items of material value appear to have been stolen. The disturbance of the property and the removal of the hard drive suggest a deliberate search aimed at accessing personal archives and records.

This marks the third attack on the same property. The first occurred on 11 October 20251, when the house was vandalised in circumstances that pointed clearly to intimidation rather than theft. At the time, international press freedom organisations responded swiftly2. Within Kosovo, however, institutional and public reaction remained limited3.

The repetition of such attacks, particularly in the context of a sustained public campaign of defamation and dehumanising rhetoric directed4 at Mr Xhymshiti following investigative reporting published5 by , raises serious concerns about the safety of journalists and the environment in which independent journalism operates in Kosovo.

When physical intimidation against a journalist’s family property occurs alongside organised public campaigns aimed at discrediting and targeting that journalist, the matter cannot be dismissed as an isolated act of vandalism. It forms part of a broader pattern of pressure intended to silence critical reporting.

The Frontline Media Group calls on the law enforcement and judicial institutions of Kosovo to treat this case with the utmost seriousness. We urge the authorities to conduct a full and transparent investigation, to secure and properly administer all evidence, and to identify and hold accountable those responsible.

We also call on the Association of Journalists of Kosovo and leading newsrooms in the country to recognise that this moment represents a test of professional principle. Editorial disagreements, professional rivalries, or political differences must never justify silence when a journalist faces intimidation, campaigns of dehumanisation, or attacks on family property.

Freedom of the press cannot exist where journalists are turned into targets. Public debate must be conducted with evidence and argument. Accusations require proof. Violence, incitement to violence, and intimidation must never be normalised.

The Frontline Media Group reaffirms its unwavering commitment to independent journalism. Our reporting will continue. Our investigations will continue. And we will continue to document and expose attempts to intimidate journalists or undermine the public’s right to know.

Public accountability is not optional. It is a democratic obligation.

DEKLARATË PUBLIKE

Dënim i sulmit të tretë ndaj shtëpisë familjare të gazetarit Vudi Xhymshiti në Kosovë

Shënim i Redaksisë

Lexuesit inkurajohen t’i konsultojnë fusnotat që e shoqërojnë këtë artikull. Ato përmbajnë dokumentacion mbështetës, referenca dhe materiale dëshmuese që lidhen me pretendimet dhe raportimin e paraqitur në këtë tekst. Fusnotat janë vendosur në interes të transparencës dhe për t’u dhënë lexuesve mundësinë të shqyrtojnë burimet dhe provat kontekstuale që mbështesin këtë deklaratë.

, botues i dhe edicionit të tij në gjuhën shqipe , lëshon këtë deklaratë publike pas sulmit të tretë ndaj shtëpisë familjare të kryeredaktorit dhe bashkëthemelusit tonë, , në Kosovë.

Sipas informacioneve dhe fotografive të dërguara nga familjarët, shtëpia e prindërve të z. Xhymshiti, e cila aktualisht nuk është e banuar, është thyer përsëri. Dritare dhe dyer janë dëmtuar, hapësirat e brendshme janë trazuar dhe dokumente personale janë shpërndarë nëpër dhoma. Një kompjuter desktop, që i përkiste z. Xhymshiti nga koha e shkollës së mesme, është gjetur në shkallë të shtëpisë, ndërsa hard disku i tij është marrë.

Ky incident nuk duket të jetë një vjedhje e zakonshme. Nuk raportohet të jenë marrë sende me vlerë materiale. Mënyra e ndërhyrjes dhe fakti që është marrë hard disku sugjerojnë një kërkim të qëllimshëm për të depërtuar në arkiva personale dhe materiale të ruajtura.

Ky është sulmi i tretë ndaj të njëjtës pronë. Sulmi i parë ndodhi më 11 tetor 20256, kur shtëpia u vandalizua në rrethana që tregonin qartë një akt frikësimi dhe jo një grabitje. Në atë kohë reaguan organizata ndërkombëtare për lirinë e shtypit, ndërsa brenda Kosovës reagimi institucional dhe publik ishte i kufizuar.

Përsëritja e këtyre sulmeve, veçanërisht në një klimë ku ndaj z. Xhymshiti është zhvilluar një fushatë publike diskreditimi dhe dehumanizimi pas publikimeve hulumtuese7 të Gunpowder Chronicles, ngre shqetësime serioze për sigurinë e gazetarëve dhe për mjedisin në të cilin zhvillohet gazetaria e pavarur në Kosovë.

Kur frikësimi fizik ndaj pronës familjare të një gazetari ndodh paralelisht me fushata publike që synojnë delegjitimimin dhe shënjestrimin e tij, rasti nuk mund të trajtohet si incident i izoluar vandalizmi. Ai bëhet pjesë e një modeli më të gjerë presioni që synon heshtjen e raportimit kritik.

The Frontline Media Group u bën thirrje institucioneve të rendit dhe drejtësisë në Kosovë që ta trajtojnë këtë rast me seriozitet maksimal. Autoritetet duhet të zhvillojnë një hetim të plotë dhe transparent, të ruajnë dhe administrojnë provat dhe të identifikojnë e mbajnë përgjegjës autorët.

Njëkohësisht u bëjmë thirrje Asociacionit të Gazetarëve të Kosovës dhe redaksive kryesore në vend që ta kuptojnë këtë moment si një provë standardi profesional. Mospajtimet editoriale, rivalitetet profesionale apo dallimet politike nuk mund të justifikojnë heshtjen kur një gazetar përballet me frikësim, fushata dehumanizimi apo sulme ndaj pronës familjare.

Liria e shtypit nuk mund të ekzistojë aty ku gazetarët shndërrohen në shënjestër. Debati publik duhet të zhvillohet me fakte dhe argumente. Akuzat kërkojnë prova. Dhuna, nxitja e dhunës dhe frikësimi nuk duhet të normalizohen.

The Frontline Media Group rikonfirmon përkushtimin e tij të palëkundur ndaj gazetarisë së pavarur. Raportimi ynë do të vazhdojë. Hulumtimet tona do të vazhdojnë. Dhe ne do të vazhdojmë të dokumentojmë dhe të ekspozojmë çdo përpjekje për të frikësuar gazetarët ose për të minuar të drejtën e publikut për të ditur.

Përgjegjësia publike nuk është sugjerim. Është detyrim.

Following the publication of our investigation on 4 February 20261, which examined mechanisms of power consolidation through intimidation, delegated violence, and narrative engineering, the response did not take the form of factual rebuttal. It came instead as labelling, dehumanisation, fabricated documents, and attempts to criminalise the journalist.

How it all unfolded:

• Feb 4: Thaçi’s Assassination Manual - The GPC I Unit.

• Feb 7: What Happened After the Investigation Was Published — The GPC I Unit.

• Feb 8: The Response That Confirmed the Reporting — The GPC I Unit.

• Feb 9: How an Investigation Triggered a Campaign, Not a Debate — The GPC I Unit.

• Feb 10: Vehbi Kajtazi and the Politics of a Fabricated Espionage List — The GPC I Unit.

• Feb 12: What Happened After Vehbi Kajtazi Turned a Fabricated List into an Espionage Story — The GPC I Unit.

• Feb 23: Decoding Hashim Thaçi’s ‘Assassination Manual’ in Modern Pristina — The GPC Media Watch.

• Feb 23: The Violent Reflexes of Hashim Thaçi’s Dying Political Order — The GPC I Unit.

On 9 and 10 February 2026, the outlet Paparaci and Mr Vehbi Kajtazi published and amplified allegations asserting that was part of an illegal espionage structure. A purported list was presented as institutional output of Kosovo law enforcement authorities, without provenance, without documentary authentication, and without affording a lawful right of reply. The accusations included claims of criminal conduct, impersonation of intelligence structures, and professional fraud.

These allegations are false. They are defamatory under the laws of England and Wales and under the laws of the Republic of Kosovo. They have caused serious reputational and professional harm in multiple jurisdictions, including London and Prishtina. More gravely, they have contributed to the creation of a hostile climate in which risk becomes foreseeable.

Our legal counsel, Ezra Leibowitz, Senior Counsel to Frontline Media Group in London, has issued a formal Notice Before Action to Paparaci and Mr Kajtazi. The notice demands immediate removal of the defamatory material, a full and unequivocal public retraction, a formal apology, disclosure of the source and provenance of the alleged list, and compensation for personal and commercial harm. Failing compliance within seven days, proceedings will be commenced in the High Court of Justice in England and Wales and in the competent courts of the Republic of Kosovo.

We have informed the British Embassy in Pristina, the UK Parliament Foreign Affairs Committee, and the UK Foreign Office of the entirety of this campaign as documented through dated publications and archived evidence. These institutions have been notified not to secure political endorsement, but to ensure visibility and to raise the cost of further escalation against a British journalist and his family.

This matter is not about personal grievance. It is about the boundary between journalism and pressure operations. Freedom of expression is protected. Fabricated allegations of criminality are not. Journalism requires verification, documentation, and accountability. Smear campaigns rely on repetition, ambiguity, and fear.

Following the defamatory publications, a coordinated wave of online hostility unfolded, with hundreds of accounts repeating identical labels and calls for intervention. The family home of Mr Xhymshiti has been attacked and damaged. In a context such as Kosovo, where unresolved political violence remains part of living memory, branding an investigative journalist a spy is not harmless rhetoric. It is a signal.

The public should understand that every stage of this campaign has been documented. Every publication, every broadcast segment, every call for intervention has been archived. Transparency remains our shield.

Regardless of the criminal campaigns designed to intimidate and which are in fact documenting and proving the very fabric of the 4 February investigative findings on the structure of the assassination manual, we will stand and continue to investigate and expose.

Gunpowder Chronicles

Thaçi’s Assassination Manual

In April 2025 our newsroom began pulling at a thread that kept resurfacing in different forms and different places. It was a claim that a Russian Serbian Kosovan entangled network had been tasked, by Hashim Thaçi and associates, with undermining the Kosovo court process in The Hague. That work started as a national security story and it stayed one. But as we mapped names, timelines and incentives, we kept returning to an older question that Kosovo never fully answered after the war. How did power consolidate so quickly, and what did it cost…

Read more

2 months ago · 3 likes · Vudi Xhymshiti and Michael Sheppard

ALBANIAN VERSION

njofton publikun se ka nisur zyrtarisht procedurat për t’i mbajtur përgjegjëse entitetet e organizuara që po e veshin mantelin e gazetarisë dhe që kanë ndërmarrë një fushatë të qëllimshme shpifjesh, trillimesh dhe insinuatash kundër redaksisë sonë dhe kryeredaktorit të saj .

Pas publikimit të gjetjeve tona hulumtuese më 4 shkurt 2026, të cilat ekspozuan mekanizmat e konsolidimit të pushtetit përmes frikësimit, delegimit të dhunës dhe inxhinierisë narrative, reagimi nuk erdhi në formën e kundërargumenteve faktike. Ai erdhi si etiketim, si dehumanizim, si fabrikim dokumentesh dhe si përpjekje për ta kriminalizuar gazetarin.

RRJEDHA E NGJARJEVE

• 4 Shkurt: Skema e vrasjeve politike të Hashim Thaçit — Kronika B Hulumtim.

• 5 Shkurt: Kur e vërteta kthehet në provë kundër pushtetit vrastar të Hashim Thaçit — Kronika B Koment dhe Analizë.

• 5 Shkurt: Si Reagon Manuali i Hashim Thaçit Kur Ekspozohet — Kronika B Lajme dhe Raportim.

• 6 Shkurt: OVL-ja po Bërtet për ta Mbytur të Vërtetën — Kronika B Politikë.

• 7 Shkurt: Reagimet që Konfirmuan Gjetjet Tona Hulumtuese — Kronika B Lajme dhe Raportim.

• 8 Shkurt: Reagimi që e konfirmoi raportimin tonë — Kronika B Lajme dhe Raportim.

• 10 Shkurt: Pse Faktet Tronditën Median e Kosovës — Kronika B Koment dhe Analizë.

• 10 Shkurt: Vehbi Kajtazi dhe Politika e një Liste të Fabrikuar Spiunazhi — Kronika B Politikë.

  ---

Më 9 dhe 10 shkurt 2026, portali Paparaci dhe z. Vehbi Kajtazi publikuan dhe i dhanë jehonë pretendimeve se ishte pjesë e një strukture të paligjshme spiunazhi. U prezantua një listë e pretenduar si produkt institucional i autoriteteve të rendit në Kosovë, pa verifikim të dokumentuar dhe pa të drejtë përgjigjeje paraprake. Pretendimet përfshinin akuza për kriminalitet, përvetësim strukturash inteligjence dhe mashtrim profesional.

Këto pretendime janë të rreme. Ato përbëjnë shpifje sipas legjislacionit të Mbretërisë së Bashkuar dhe të Republikës së Kosovës. Ato kanë shkaktuar dëm serioz reputacional dhe profesional në disa juridiksione, përfshirë Londrën dhe Prishtinën. Më e rëndësishmja, ato kanë kontribuar në krijimin e një klime armiqësore ku rreziku për jetën bëhet i parashikueshëm.

Këshilltarja jonë ligjore, Ezra Leibowitz, nga në Londër, ka dërguar një “Njoftim Para Veprimit” ndaj Paparacit dhe z. Kajtazi. Në këtë njoftim kërkohet heqja e menjëhershme e materialeve shpifëse, një tërheqje publike e plotë dhe e pakushtëzuar, një ndjesë zyrtare, zbulimi i burimit dhe origjinës së listës së pretenduar, si dhe kompenzim për dëmin personal dhe komercial të shkaktuar. Në mungesë të reagimit brenda shtatë ditëve, do të iniciohen procedura në Gjykatën e Lartë të Drejtësisë në Angli dhe Wales, si dhe në gjykatat kompetente të Republikës së Kosovës.

Ne e kemi informuar Ambasadën Britanike në Prishtinë, Komisionin për Punë të Jashtme të Parlamentit të Mbretërisë së Bashkuar dhe Ministrinë e Punëve të Jashtme në Londër për tërësinë e kësaj fushate, ashtu siç është dokumentuar me prova, data dhe arkiva publike. Këto institucione janë njoftuar jo për të kërkuar mbështetje politike, por për të ngritur koston e çdo përshkallëzimi të mëtejshëm kundër një gazetari britanik me origjinë kosovare dhe pronës private të familjes së tij në Kosovë.

Kjo çështje nuk ka të bëjë me krenari personale. Ajo ka të bëjë me kufirin mes gazetarisë dhe operacionit të presionit. Liria e shprehjes është e garantuar. Shpifja e fabrikuar nuk është. Gazetaria kërkon verifikim, dokumentim dhe përgjegjësi. Fushata e shpifjes kërkon mjegull, përsëritje dhe frikë.

Pas publikimeve shpifëse u shënua një valë e koordinuar armiqësie në internet, me qindra llogari që përsëritën të njëjtat etiketime dhe thirrje për ndërhyrje. Shtëpia familjare e z. Xhymshiti është sulmuar dhe dëmtuar përsëri. Në një kontekst si ai i Kosovës, ku vrasjet politike të pazbardhura mbeten plagë të hapura, shpallja e një gazetari si spiun nuk është retorikë e pafajshme. Është sinjal.

Publiku duhet ta dijë se ne e kemi dokumentuar çdo hap të kësaj fushate. Çdo publikim, çdo video, çdo thirrje për ndërhyrje (jo formale) institucionale është arkivuar dhe ruajtur. Transparenca është mburoja jonë.

Pavarësisht fushatave kriminale të dizajnuara për të frikësuar dhe që në fakt po i dokumentojnë dhe po i vërtetojnë gjetjet tona hulumtuese të 4 shkurtit mbi vetë strukturën e manualit të asgjësimit, ne do të qëndrojmë dhe do të vazhdojmë të hulumtojmë dhe të ekspozojmë.

167-169 Great Portland Street (5th Floor)
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1

Thaçi’s Assassination Manual

Thaçi’s strategy transformed Kosovo into a coercive state, where “assassination atmospheres” were manufactured to justify neutralising opponents and trapping loyalists in a cycle of debt. — The GPC I Unit.

KRONIKAT E BARUTIT

Skema e vrasjeve politike të Hashim Thaçit

Në prill 2025 redaksia jonë u përball me një përpjekje për të na futur në një kurth të ndërtuar si honeytrap, me synimin për të prodhuar kompromat kundër nesh. Në vend që të tërhiqeshim, hulumtuam pse po ndodhte kjo. Ajo që zbuluam ishte e qartë dhe e rrezikshme, një rrjet i ndërthurur ruso serbo kosovar ishte vënë në lëvizje me nxitje të…

Read more

2 months ago · 11 likes · 1 comment · Vudi Xhymshiti and Michael Sheppard

The outlet was established under the by investigative journalist and war reporter , whose professional background spans more than eighteen years of reporting on armed conflicts, political corruption and information warfare across the Middle East, Eastern Europe and the Balkans. The editorial foundation of Kronikat e Barutit drew directly from this experience, combining investigative depth with contextual analysis and a strict adherence to journalistic integrity. In its earliest weeks, the publication focused on exposing disinformation, foreign interference and the erosion of media standards in Kosovo and the wider region, while also addressing social, cultural, economic, health and justice issues through rigorous reporting rather than opinion driven noise.

During its initial months in late summer and autumn 2024, Kronikat e Barutit began building its audience organically through direct reader subscriptions rather than advertising or sponsored content. This choice reflected a strategic commitment to independence and reader accountability. Early growth was steady, driven by trust and word of mouth rather than algorithmic amplification. By the end of 2024, the outlet had already demonstrated that there was a substantial audience willing to support fact based journalism financially and morally. The first paid subscribers joined during this period, laying the groundwork for a sustainable reader funded model.

In early 2025, the publication entered a phase of accelerated development. Investigative pieces addressing corruption, foreign influence and media manipulation gained significant traction, resulting in a consistent increase in both free and paid subscribers. Revenue growth followed a clear upward trajectory throughout the first half of the year, reflecting not only expanding reach but also strong reader confidence in the editorial mission. By mid year, the publication had moved from modest monthly income to a stable and growing annualised revenue base, demonstrating the viability of independent journalism supported directly by its audience.

By the final quarter of the year, Kronikat e Barutit reached a significant milestone. Gross annualised revenue stood at 9,949 US dollars, generated by 121 paid subscribers within a total subscriber base of 1,537 readers. This growth was not only financial but also geographical. The audience expanded across seventeen states and forty countries, with a strong concentration in Kosovo, which accounted for approximately one third of subscribers. Significant readership also developed in Germany, Switzerland, Serbia and the United Kingdom, reflecting the strong engagement of the Albanian diaspora and international readers seeking credible reporting on the region.

Audience loyalty and trust were further confirmed by exceptionally strong retention metrics. One month paid retention reached 96.43 percent, six month retention stood at 83.93 percent and twelve month retention reached 91.67 percent, figures that indicate sustained reader satisfaction and long term commitment. Cohort analysis throughout the year showed that most subscriber groups maintained high retention well beyond the initial subscription period, underlining the strength of the relationship between the publication and its readers. Paid churn remained consistently low, reinforcing the conclusion that the audience values depth, accuracy and independence over volume or sensationalism.

Equally important to quantitative growth was the qualitative feedback received from readers. Subscriber messages throughout the year repeatedly highlighted trust, accuracy, courage and professionalism as the defining qualities of Kronikat e Barutit. Many readers explicitly stated that their decision to subscribe was motivated by a desire to counter fake news, support investigative journalism and protect the public right to truthful information. These messages, coming from both paid and pledged supporters, form part of the public record of the outlet and reflect a community built around shared democratic values rather than passive consumption.

By the end of the reporting year, Kronikat e Barutit had established itself as a credible and influential Albanian language media outlet with more than 150,000 monthly views. Its development from a newly founded publication into a reader supported platform with international reach demonstrates both the demand for independent journalism and the effectiveness of a model rooted in transparency and accountability. Chronologically, the year reflects a clear progression from foundation and mission definition, through audience trust building, to measurable financial sustainability and editorial impact.

This end of year record confirms that Kronikat e Barutit is not an episodic project but a growing institution within the Albanian media landscape. Its continued existence is anchored in reader support, professional integrity and a commitment to exposing truth in an increasingly hostile information environment. The year closes with a stable foundation, a loyal audience and a clear mandate to continue investigative reporting in the public interest without compromise.

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Our reply is structured point by point, in the public interest and in defence of our professional integrity.

KRONIKAT E BARUTIT

Të përkushtuar ndaj parimeve të pavarësisë editoriale dhe cilësisë së raportimit, ne ju informojmë dhe edukojmë mbi narrativat që minojnë vlerat demokratike dhe sigurinë kombëtare.

By Vudi Xhymshiti

1. On our sources and the nature of the allegation

Ms Qefalija describes our work as “shamelessness up to the level of a crime”, and portrays it as the product of a “sick mind” driven by malice and conspiracy.

For the avoidance of doubt:

• Our reporting2 on the alleged assaults against Mr Zeka is based on a triangulated set of independent international sources, including individuals with direct knowledge of the Kosovo Specialist Chambers and of related security environments.

• These are not casual online rumours, but interlocutors whose reliability has been tested over time and whose information has been cross-checked against documents and prior reporting.

In the article we do not present the reported beatings and sexual abuse as established facts. We explicitly treat them as serious allegations which:

• have been reported to us by credible sources,

• are consistent with a longer pattern of pressure, manipulation and risk in and around this network,

• and therefore require scrutiny, not silence.

We also took the basic professional step of affording Mr Zeka a right of reply:

• On 10 November 2025 and again on 12 November 2025, The Gunpowder Chronicles wrote to Mr Zeka asking:

  • whether he had recently been subjected to physical violence,

  • whether any such incident had been reported to police or other competent authorities,

  • and inviting him to respond by written statement or recorded interview.

• Technical checks confirm that our emails were received and opened.

• Mr Zeka chose not to respond.

Having fulfilled our duty to seek comment from the subject of serious allegations, we proceeded to publication, clearly distinguishing between what is alleged, what is documented, and what remains to be independently verified.

2. On the claim that we are accusing “people of Hashim Thaçi” of beating witnesses

Ms Qefalija suggests that our article conveniently serves “those who want the KLA in The Hague, preferably convicted”, and she paraphrases our work as saying:

“The people of Hashim [Thaçi] are beating and raping those who testify in The Hague.”

This is a distortion of what we actually wrote.

• We reported that our sources believe the assaults against Mr Zeka are linked to his earlier role as a witness and accuser in processes which contributed to the sending of Mr Thaçi and other former KLA leaders to the Kosovo Specialist Chambers.

• We did not state that all “people of Hashim Thaçi” are beating or raping witnesses, nor did we generalise beyond the specific allegations under discussion.

Our article situates these allegations within a well-documented, complex history, including:

• A 2021 letter from Mr Zeka to the Specialist Prosecutor’s Office, in which he levels extensive accusations at Mr Thaçi and other figures3;

• His earlier public attacks on Mr Thaçi and on EULEX;

• His subsequent involvement in campaigns to discredit the Specialist Chambers and key figures associated with it;

• And his cooperation with individuals whom our previous investigations have linked to Serbian and Russian intelligence-related operations.

We describe a contradictory, shifting trajectory, not a simple slogan.

3. On Ms Qefalija’s medical explanation and the visible bruise

Ms Qefalija states that:

“On 24 October 2025, Mr Milaim Zeka underwent facial surgery by surgeon Ngadhnjim Domi to remove a large, suspected cancerous mass… The mark on his face is postoperative and will remain visible for a long time. If he had been beaten as Vudi claims, the bruising would long since have faded.”

We respond as follows:

1. We did not claim that the visible bruise on Mr Zeka’s right upper cheek is definitively the result of an assault.

   • In the article, we clearly note that we cannot confirm that this bruising is directly related to the alleged physical and sexual violence.

   • We describe it as circumstantial and worthy of questions, not as conclusive proof.

2. Prior to publication, we consulted medical professionals, including surgeons, based on the publicly available TV footage.

   • Their view was that the mark more closely resembled blunt-force bruising than a typical post-surgical scar, and that the level and style of make-up coverage visible on air would be unusual so soon after facial surgery involving sutures.

   • Naturally, none of them could provide a categorical conclusion without examining the patient or reviewing medical documentation.

3. Ms Qefalija has now posted select photographs on Facebook and asserts that they “prove” her husband was not assaulted.

   • As a professional newsroom, we cannot give such social-media materials the same evidential weight as primary documentation unless:

     • we are provided with the original, uncompressed image files (RAW or equivalent) for forensic analysis,

     • we receive full medical reports in official form,

     • and we are permitted to seek direct confirmation from the named surgeon and/or medical institution.

If Ms Qefalija is prepared to provide this material to our newsroom in London, we will:

• examine it rigorously,

• seek independent medical opinion,

• and, where appropriate, update, clarify or correct our reporting.

Until then, her explanation remains an unverified assertion by an interested party, made only after Mr Zeka declined to engage with us directly when invited to do so.

Our investigative unit is reachable via investigations[at]thegpc.uk.

4. On the Moynihan report and the credibility of testimonies

Ms Qefalija portrays herself and her husband as unfairly attacked and implies that our work is baseless.

One of the central documents in the public domain which informs our reporting is the 118-page “whistleblower complaint” drafted by former US investigator John F. Moynihan4.

• That report draws extensively on material and claims provided by:

  • Mr Milaim Zeka,

  • Ms Edlira Qefalija,

  • Mr Halit Sahitaj,

  • and Mr Darko Perovic.

It is therefore particularly significant that within his own report, Mr Moynihan states (around pages 13–14) that:

• he cannot fully trust the testimonies coming from Mr Zeka, Ms Qefalija and their close associates (i.e: Darko Perovic and Halit Sahitaj),

• the information provided does not meet his own standards of credibility,

• and he raises doubts about potential manipulation and fabrication.

We have not invented this. We simply note that the very investigator whose report they have used as a political weapon has, in that same document, questioned their reliability.

5. On links to Serbian and Russian intelligence-related networks

Our previous investigations, published earlier this year, have set out in detail a broader network around Mr Zeka which Ms Qefalija does not address.

In summary:

• Mr Darko Perovic5 is described by multiple security-linked sources as a Montenegrin-born operative with past ties to Serbian state security structures.

• Mr Halit Sahitaj6 appears, on the basis of documentary evidence and witness accounts, to have acted as an operator aligned with Russian state interests, including in cases relating to attacks or threats against Russian anti-Putin activists in Europe.

• This network intersects with:

  • campaigns to attack and discredit the Kosovo Specialist Chambers and its prosecutors,

  • pro-Belgrade narratives in the Albanian-language media space,

  • and attempts to shape political and parliamentary outcomes in Kosovo through fabricated audio recordings, kompromat and orchestrated disinformation.

We are careful in our wording:

• We distinguish between what documents show, what sources state, and what we infer,

• and we provide references and context wherever security and legal constraints allow.

Ms Qefalija offers no documentary counter-evidence to this body of investigative work. She elects instead to attack motives and character.

6. On alleged “obsession” and our motives

Ms Qefalija claims that:

“For more than two or three years, Vudi has been madly ‘in love’ with Milaim, to the point of near-stalking… I sometimes wonder whether I love my husband more, or Vudi does.”

She further suggests that our interest is rooted in personal obsession rather than public-interest journalism.

The factual position is as follows:

• Our newsroom began examining Mr Zeka’s activities in depth after February 2025, when his associate Mr Halit Sahitaj approached us and, according to our contemporaneous notes and messages, attempted to push fabricated material – including claims about alleged Russian-linked payments via cryptocurrency – in relation to Richard Grenell and others7.

• In the course of assessing those approaches, we uncovered:

  • the Moynihan complaint and its internal contradictions,

  • Mr Zeka’s shifting roles as accuser, intermediary and later attacker of the Specialist Chambers8,

  • the use of his media platforms to launder narratives favourable to Mr Thaçi and to external actors,

  • and evidence of a wider influence-operations ecosystem around him.

Our sustained focus on Mr Zeka therefore arises from:

• his self-appointed role in matters of justice and national security,

• the scale and seriousness of the claims he has made about the court, prosecutors and political actors,

• and the risks to Kosovo’s democratic discourse when such a figure operates without proper scrutiny.

It is not a matter of personal “love”, “obsession” or fixation. It is a matter of public interest.

7. On sexuality, privacy and relevance

Ms Qefalija accuses us of indulging in fantasies about “beatings, rape, homosexuality and the like”, and implies that by mentioning such issues we reveal our own “personal affinities”.

For clarity:

• We do not concern ourselves with the private, consensual relationships of adults as a moral issue.

• We have, however, reported on a close personal and operational relationship between Mr Zeka and Mr Sahitaj9, where:

  • that relationship intersects with joint activities in disinformation and political manipulation, and

  • stands in stark contrast to Mr Zeka’s own public attacks10 on members of the LGBT community.

Where an individual publicly targets a vulnerable community while privately engaging in conduct they themselves weaponise against others, and where that conduct is tied directly to joint political operations, the matter becomes one of legitimate public interest.

We do not criminalise or mock sexuality. We expose hypocrisy and operational collusion where they intersect with foreign-aligned influence campaigns.

8. On Ms Qefalija’s photographs and her claim of “proof”

Ms Qefalija writes:

“I am now proving with photos that no one has beaten Milaim… the mark on his face is postoperative and will remain there for some time.”

As already noted:

• Photographs posted on Facebook, without verifiable metadata, provenance, or proper forensic handling, do not automatically constitute conclusive proof in a journalistic or legal sense.

• They may be relevant, but they must be subject to technical and contextual verification.

We therefore reiterate our invitation to Ms Qefalija to:

1. Provide the original, uncompressed image files (not screenshots or edited uploads) showing Mr Zeka before and after the supposed operation;

2. Supply official medical documentation relating to the surgery, including diagnosis, procedure and follow-up;

3. Authorise the named surgeon and/or hospital to respond to a limited set of factual questions from our newsroom.

Upon receipt of such material, we will:

• submit it to technical forensic review,

• obtain independent medical assessments,

• and, if it materially changes the picture, publish clarifications, corrections or retractions as our editorial standards require.

Unless and until that happens, her publicly posted photographs do not erase:

• the existence of a triangulated set of credible sources describing serious assaults,

• the documented pattern of risk, manipulation and pressure around this network,

• and Mr Zeka’s clear decision not to answer our direct questions before publication.

9. On process, openness and next steps

Finally, Ms Qefalija chose to respond via a public Facebook post rather than by contacting our newsroom in London.

We note that:

• Prior to publication, we sought comment from Mr Zeka twice and received no response.

• In earlier phases of our work, we indicated a willingness to speak with Ms Qefalija; this offer was not taken up.

Our position remains consistent:

• We stand by our investigation of 27 November 2025 as a fair, well-sourced and carefully qualified piece of reporting.

• We remain open to verifiable new evidence from any party, including Ms Qefalija and Mr Zeka.

• If such evidence materially contradicts any element of our reporting, we will not hesitate to update, correct or, where necessary, retract specific points.

What we cannot accept is the notion that insults, personalised attacks and unsubstantiated assertions on social media should outweigh:

• corroborated sources,

• documentary records,

• and a year-long body of investigative work on networks that seek to bend Kosovo’s institutions and public debate towards the interests of former war-time elites, foreign intelligence services and transnational criminal structures.

Frontline Media Group
Publisher of The Gunpowder Chronicles and Kronikat e Barutit
London, 28 November 2025

Gunpowder Chronicles

The Man Who Knew Too Much What Happened To Milaim Zeka

The man who once claimed to expose everyone else is now the one disappearing behind dark glasses and thick make-up…

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5 months ago · 3 likes · 1 comment · Michael Sheppard and Vudi Xhymshiti